What factors affect women’s political participation?

Deshpande R., “The Shaping of Women’s Constituencies in Indian Elections: Evidence from NES Data”, Indian Political Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2, No. 2, 303-317, November 16, 2024

tHis women’s participation in Indian politics has been a topic of widespread discussion among scholars, especially given that the paradox is that women’s overall political participation remains poor despite the fact that India has fostered several influential female leaders. Unlike many countries where political participation began to narrow in the 1990s, India only saw this shift in the 2010s.

Although discussions about women’s participation often highlight social and cultural biases that hinder their election success, less attention has been paid to how women participate in the election process when opportunities arise. The way they vote in shaping election outcomes, choices and agency are still unexplored. And, while political parties and women’s movements often celebrate female voters during elections, this recognition often sees them as homogeneous groups, overlooking the intersection of caste, class, religion and region that shape their political behavior. Women’s support for Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. election, and their involvement in the 1990s riots in India, illustrates how women’s political participation is more complex and requires deep understanding.

It is in this case that Rajeshwari Deshpande’s research “shaping female constituencies in Indian elections: evidence from NES data” became important. Her analysis of National Elections Research (NES) data reveals women’s growing voter turnout and their growing participation in the political field. By studying how women vote and their choices are primarily influenced by gender or other social identity, her research provides a nuanced understanding of the evolving role of women in Indian elections. Her findings help to see if we are closer to shaping women’s constituencies in India’s general elections. This study provides critical insights into the gender aspect of Indian elections, highlighting key patterns, contradictions and challenges in women’s political institutions and their broader socio-political significance.

Just beneficiary or active agent?

As mentioned earlier, until 2010, the share of women who voted increased significantly. All political parties are trying to capitalize on this shift by introducing policies and programs specifically targeting women. However, these policies often view women as passive beneficiaries rather than political agents. Benefits plans such as Ujjwala and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana are the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, while plans like “Ladli Behna” and “Ladli Laxmi” have won the success of “Ladli Behna” and “Ladli Laxmi” for their success at Madhya Pradys. These initiatives reinforce the perception of women as dependents, with political leaders positioned as providers of kindness rather than acknowledging that women are autonomous decision makers.

Deshpande believes that high voter turnout does not necessarily translate into real political power. Women have been considered marginal players in the political field for years and have provided them with efforts to “non-political” political constituencies. Despite the growing presence of political parties and media in the polls in the polls, their votes are still formed by the driving force of welfare benefits. Analyzing NES data helps to assess whether the increase in female voters marks true political institutions or simply surface level inclusion.

Beyond voting

Although it is worth noting that female voters have continued to vote in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, voting is not the only form of political participation. Participation in rallies, movements, political affiliation and policy advocacy also demonstrates political participation. In these areas, women remain behind men. Only 14% of women reported seeking advice from their spouses about voting decisions – indicating that agencies are growing – but that is still significantly higher than men. This suggests that despite increased voter participation, deeper political participation still faces social and structural barriers.

Scholars have proposed an explanation of women’s turnout assumption that self-authorization is the suggestion that increased literacy and employment opportunities enable women to vote independently. The Election Commission’s efforts to ensure the registration of women’s voters can also be attributed to increased turnout.

However, the authors challenge this explanation, pointing to two key contradictions: women’s overall labor force participation remains low, thus undermining the argument that economic independence is driving higher turnout. Furthermore, the proportion of registered female voters remains unbalanced compared to male voters, indicating that women have fewer registrations.

Another explanation for the increase in turnout for female voters may be the massive male immigration of men, who have higher turnout in state women traditionally seen as “backward” socially and economically.

These trends stress that despite the increase in turnout, wider political participation remains limited.

Other identities

The voting behavior of Indian women is not driven only by gender identity, but by profound shaping of regional, caste and class dynamics. NES data highlights that the country’s specific political and social context can greatly influence election choices, undermining the idea of ​​a unified pan-Indian women’s voting group. Instead, women’s voting preferences are shaped within the broader framework of community identity.

State-level changes prove this complexity. For example, in states such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala and West Bengal, electoral politics has historically been influenced by strong regional parties, and women’s preferences are often consistent with regional political movements rather than voting trends based on the gender of the country. Caste and class division further complicates this narrative. Traditionally, the BJP’s voter base tends toward cities, upper class and superior races, while Congress has gained more support from urban poverty and marginalized communities. However, this consistency is not absolute either – many women, especially from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, continue to vote based on the interests of their communities rather than on a broader gender-based agenda.

Women’s support for different political parties

NES data show that Congress has historically maintained its gender advantage and has received more female support than men. This trend continues in 2024 unless in 2014, when the party declined nationwide. The left also has a gender advantage, but the decline in their influence has reduced this impact on the national stage.

By contrast, the BJP faces a gender disadvantage, and women vote for the party compared to men. However, this gap has been narrowing. Previously, the gender gap in BJP support exceeded 20%, while in 2024 it dropped to about 7%. The BJP’s targeted advocacy for women contributed to this shift, although much of its support still comes from welfare beneficiaries. Even in this group, men support BJP more than women.

Changes in specific regions further complicate women’s support for the BJP. In some non-BJP-ruled states, women voted for the party more than men, despite the low turnout of female voters. In other states, instead, women show a more favorable preference for opposition parties, creating an uneven gender gap. This shows that although the BJP stands out among female voters, gender alone does not define women’s election choices – other intersecting identities and political backgrounds remain crucial.

Data from past elections highlight three key trends in women’s political participation in India. First, despite steady growth in turnout among women voters, her overall political participation exceeded the vote and was still lower than that of men. Second, women’s voting patterns and political participation are not only shaped by gender identity. Factors such as caste, class and regional influence also play an important role. Third, despite targeted propaganda, the BJP still faces a gender disadvantage in history, with more men than women supporting the party. These developments show that our election choices are intertwined with broader socio-political factors, and our election choices are still far from the formation of unique women’s constituencies in Indian politics.

Rebecca Rose Varghese is a freelance journalist.